Thursday, January 29, 2026
Monday, January 26, 2026
Sunday, January 25, 2026
Safeguarding the Soul of the Republic
Safeguarding the Soul of the Republic
-Bruhaspati Samal-
Republic Day marks the moment when India consciously chose to be governed not by the whims of power, not by the tyranny of the majority, but by the supremacy of the Constitution. The Preamble’s promise of justice — social, economic and political; liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and opportunity; and fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual — was meant to be the soul of the Republic. Yet, as the nation stands today, a growing number of citizens feel that this soul is under strain. As India prepares to commemorate yet another Republic Day on January 26, the occasion demands more than ceremonial parades, flag hoisting and patriotic slogans. It demands introspection. It demands honesty. Above all, it demands a sincere reaffirmation of the values enshrined in the Constitution of India — values that were not casually written, but painfully negotiated, debated and dreamt into existence by the founding generation led by Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and many others.
India remains a democracy in form. Elections are held, governments are elected, legislatures function. But democracy is not merely about ballots and majorities. It is about dissent without fear, debate without intimidation, governance with accountability and power restrained by constitutional morality. It is here that serious questions are being raised — questions that cannot be brushed aside as “anti-national” or “politically motivated”. Over the past few years, a disturbing pattern has emerged. Laws with far-reaching consequences for farmers, workers and employees have been introduced and passed with minimal parliamentary discussion, often amid the absence or suspension of opposition voices. The dilution of labour protections through new labour codes, the controversial farm laws that were eventually repealed only after a prolonged and painful farmers’ movement costing hundreds of lives, and the increasing use of ordinances have collectively created an impression that deliberative democracy is being replaced by executive dominance. Parliament, envisioned as the temple of democracy, increasingly appears reduced to a procedural formality rather than a forum of serious debate.
Equally worrying is the shrinking space for dissent. Journalists, academics, students, scientists and activists who question authority or critique policy decisions often find themselves facing legal action. According to independent civil liberties trackers, India has witnessed a sharp rise in cases involving arrests or legal harassment for speech-related activities over the past decade. The use of stringent laws against individuals for expressing opinions has created a chilling effect, where self-censorship replaces free expression. When questioning power becomes risky, democracy begins to hollow out from within.
This erosion of democratic culture becomes even more painful when accompanied by the systematic disrespect shown towards the very founders of the Republic. Mahatma Gandhi, whose philosophy of non-violence inspired global civil rights movements, is increasingly reduced to a token figure, sometimes even mocked or misrepresented in public discourse. Jawaharlal Nehru, who laid the institutional foundations of modern India — from parliamentary democracy to scientific research, from higher education to foreign policy rooted in peace — is often blamed simplistically for complex historical outcomes, stripped of context and nuance. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the chief architect of the Constitution and a tireless crusader for social justice, is frequently appropriated symbolically while his core ideas of equality, secularism and constitutional morality are ignored or undermined. The disrespect is not always direct; often it is subtle, embedded in narratives that seek to delegitimise their contributions or portray them as obstacles rather than nation-builders. More disturbing is the silence of the state when such remarks are made by influential individuals or groups. When the legacy of the founders is routinely questioned, distorted or insulted under the very nose of the government, it sends a dangerous message — that constitutional values are negotiable, that historical truth can be reshaped for political convenience.
This trend becomes even more alarming in light of repeated attempts, both overt and covert, to question the foundational principles of the Constitution itself. Secularism, which ensures equal respect for all religions and protects minorities from majoritarian excesses, is increasingly portrayed as alien or imposed, despite being integral to India’s pluralistic history. Social justice, championed by Ambedkar to correct centuries of exclusion and inequality, is often dismissed as appeasement. Equality before law, a cornerstone of the Republic, appears compromised when those aligned with power receive leniency while critics face harsh action.
Statistics reinforce these anxieties. India’s position in global indices related to press freedom and civil liberties has declined in recent years, reflecting international concern over the state of democratic freedoms. While such indices are not definitive judgments, they echo domestic experiences voiced by journalists, lawyers and citizens across the country. Rising instances of hate speech, polarisation and political intimidation further weaken the bonds of fraternity that hold the nation together.
The selective application of the law has also shaken public confidence. Cases where individuals accused of serious crimes walk free on bail while dissenters remain incarcerated feed a perception of unequal justice. Democracy cannot survive when equality before law becomes conditional upon political proximity. Ambedkar warned that political democracy without social democracy is a contradiction. His words resonate painfully today, as economic inequality widens and social divisions deepen.
It must be said clearly and without hesitation that criticism of historical leaders is not anti-democratic. Debate and reassessment are essential to intellectual growth. But there is a profound difference between informed critique and deliberate denigration. When Mahatma Gandhi is mocked without understanding his moral philosophy, when Nehru is blamed without acknowledging the historical constraints of a newly independent nation, when Ambedkar is celebrated in statues but ignored in policy, democracy loses its moral compass. A nation that disrespects its founders ultimately disrespects itself. The Constitution was not a gift from rulers; it was a covenant with the people, born from sacrifice and struggle. To manipulate democratic rights while invoking nationalism is to betray that covenant. To silence dissent while celebrating Republic Day is to hollow out its meaning.
As India stands on the threshold of another Republic Day, the question before us is not whether democracy still exists, but what kind of democracy we are becoming. Are we nurturing a republic where disagreement is respected, institutions are independent and history is honoured? Or are we sliding towards a system where power is centralised, voices are subdued and constitutional values are selectively applied? The responsibility to safeguard democracy does not rest solely with governments. Political parties must rise above short-term gains and uphold parliamentary ethics. Institutions must reclaim their independence and credibility. The media must remain vigilant despite pressure. Civil society must continue to speak, question and mobilise. And citizens must remember that rights surrendered silently are rarely regained easily.
Republic Day must not become a ritual devoid of reflection. It must remind us that democracy is not self-sustaining; it requires constant care, courage and commitment. The Constitution is not merely a legal document; it is a moral promise. Honouring Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar does not mean idolising them blindly, but protecting the values they stood for — non-violence, reason, equality, justice and fraternity.
In the end, the strength of the Indian Republic will not be measured by the loudness of slogans or the size of majorities, but by its ability to protect the weakest voice, tolerate the strongest dissent and remain faithful to its constitutional soul. This Republic Day, let India choose remembrance over revisionism, democracy over dominance, and constitutional morality over political convenience. Only then will the Republic truly endure.
(The author is a Service Union Representative, currently working as the General Secretary, Confederation of Central Govt. Employees and Workers, Odisha State CoC, President, Forum of Civil Pensioners’ Association, Odisha State Committee, Bhubaneswar and a columnist. eMail: samalbruhaspati@gmail.com)
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🇮🇳 Warm greetings on 77th Republic Day 🇮🇳
Dear Comrades,
The strength of the Indian Republic is not measured by the loudness of slogans or the size of majorities, but by its unwavering commitment to protect the weakest voice, respect the strongest dissent, and remain faithful to the Constitution that binds us together.
On this 77th Republic Day, let us remember that India is not merely a territory or a government—it is a constitutional promise. A promise of liberty over fear, justice over privilege, equality over exclusion, and fraternity over division.
May this Republic Day inspire us to choose remembrance over revisionism, democracy over dominance and constitutional morality over political convenience. Only by defending these values in our everyday lives can we ensure that the Republic does not merely survive, but truly endures.
🇮🇳 Jai Hind 🇮🇳
🇮🇳 Long Live the Constitution 🇮🇳
🇮🇳 Long Live the Republic 🇮🇳
= B SAMAL=
General Secretary
Thursday, January 22, 2026
Beyond Gen Z: Saving the Soul of India Post
Beyond Gen Z: Saving the Soul of India Post
-Bruhaspati Samal-
For more than 17 decades, the Department of Posts has been woven into the everyday life of India like a quiet but steadfast companion. Long before smartphones, fintech apps or private couriers, the red post office was the Republic’s most trusted public institution. It delivered not merely letters, parcels or money orders, but emotions, opportunities and hope. From freedom fighters sending coded messages under colonial surveillance, to soldiers writing home from distant borders, to pensioners receiving their first assured income after retirement, India Post stood as a symbol of reliability, neutrality and human touch. Its journey mirrors the journey of the nation itself—slow, resilient, inclusive and deeply humane.
Yet, as India sprints into a digitally driven future, this historic institution today stands at a crossroads. On the one hand, there is genuine effort to modernise and reconnect with younger generations through initiatives like the N-Gen (Next Generation) Post Offices. On the other hand, there exists a vast and uncomfortable reality: the overwhelming majority of post offices across the country continue to function in substandard, undignified and customer-unfriendly conditions. The contrast between a handful of vibrant, campus-based “Gen Z Post Offices” and thousands of neglected rural and urban post offices raises a fundamental question—can selective modernisation sustain a national institution built on universal service?
The N-Gen Post Office initiative adopted by India Post in late 2025, it must be clarified at the outset, is not a financial savings scheme, as some misunderstand it to be. It is essentially a branding and infrastructure intervention. These revamped offices, often located on university campuses or in rent-free premises provided by educational institutions, are designed as youth-centric, technology-enabled service hubs. Bright interiors, comfortable seating, Wi-Fi connectivity, QR-based cashless payments, instant Aadhaar-based account opening, mini-libraries, indoor games, coffee machines and flexible working hours are meant to transform the post office from a dull service counter into a lively campus hangout. Alongside this new ambience, traditional postal, banking and insurance services continue, sometimes with student-friendly incentives such as discounted Speed Post.
Conceptually, there is nothing objectionable in this. In fact, the idea of improving the “look and feel” of post offices is neither radical nor new. As early as 2008, the Department launched Project Arrow, aimed at upgrading primarily the Lower Selection Grade Post Offices and above located in departmental buildings. That initiative recognised a basic truth: customer behaviour is deeply influenced by physical ambience, staff comfort and service environment. Clean halls, functional furniture, signage, queue management and basic amenities can significantly alter public perception.
However, the problem lies not in the concept, but in its selective and symbolic implementation. India has about 1.65 lakh post offices, making it the largest postal network in the world. Out of these, nearly 1.49 lakh are in rural areas, while only about 16,000 are in urban locations. Around 25,000 are departmental post offices, staffed by regular employees, whereas an overwhelming 1.4 lakh are Branch Post Offices (BOs) managed by Gramin Dak Sevaks (GDS). The structure of this network itself reveals the social mission of India Post: serving the last mile, not the elite corridor. Yet, when we look at infrastructure ownership, the picture becomes grim. Only about 4,756 post offices function from departmental buildings. As many as 19,278 operate from rented premises, and around 1,917 run from rent-free accommodations, often provided by local bodies or educational campuses. In the case of Branch Post Offices, it is the Branch Postmaster (BPM) who must provide accommodation as a precondition of engagement. The fixed allowance given for this purpose is far below prevailing market rates, forcing BPMs to operate from cramped, substandard and often unhygienic spaces.
Against this backdrop, the Department has so far targeted roughly 6,000 post offices under various “Look and Feel Good” initiatives, including Project Arrow and now N-Gen. That means more than 1.59 lakh post offices where the real India transacts remain untouched. The consequences of this neglect are visible and painful. In a vast majority of Post Offices, there is no standard furniture. Broken chairs, wobbling tables, obsolete almirahs and congested counters are the norm. Computerisation has arrived without ergonomics; digitisation has come without dignity. Many rural Post Offices cannot even offer a chair to elderly customers. Drinking water, clean toilets, waiting areas, ventilation and lighting are luxuries rather than basics.
The condition of employees is even more distressing. Lady employees work without access to lavatories. Postmasters, who are officially entitled to Type-III quarters, are forced to run Post Offices from Type-II residential quarters that also serve as their family homes. Imagine managing official work, public dealing and household life within a single or two rooms, while raising children—sometimes marriageable sons and daughters—along with a spouse. There is no privacy, no dignity, no work-life boundary. Postal colonies and staff quarters, where they exist, are rarely maintained. Civil and electrical works in rented buildings, which account for nearly 90 per cent of Post Offices, are chronically neglected under the familiar excuse of “paucity of funds”. Adding insult to injury is the recent push towards centralised delivery systems—Integrated Delivery Centres (IDCs), Nodal Delivery Centres (NDCs) for parcels, Speed Post and parcel hubs. These are often opened in extremely cramped spaces, without standard furniture or basic amenities, in the name of efficiency and logistics optimisation. Productivity is demanded without providing the minimum conditions required for human work.
All this has a direct bearing on customer behaviour. A customer’s attitude towards any service institution is shaped not only by the outcome, but by the experience. In banks, customers often wait silently during server failures or technical glitches because the ambience communicates professionalism, comfort and authority. Air-conditioning, seating, water and orderly surroundings subconsciously command patience. In Post Offices, by contrast, customers shout, complain and vent frustration not merely because of service delays, but because the environment itself signals neglect and inferiority. The institution appears weak, and so it becomes an easy target. This is where the principle of “as you sow, so you reap” becomes profoundly relevant. If the State sows neglect, indifference and substandard infrastructure, it reaps customer dissatisfaction, declining business and erosion of trust. Conversely, if it invests in dignity, comfort and professionalism, it reaps loyalty, patience and growth.
From a business perspective, the current approach is self-defeating. Attracting Gen Z customers through a few visually appealing Post Offices while allowing existing customers—the backbone of India Post—to drift away due to poor service environments is not sustainable. Students may open an account or use Speed Post occasionally, but it is the rural saver, the pensioner, the self-help group, the small trader and the migrant worker who generate steady volume and trust. Retention is as critical as acquisition. Moreover, a corporate look is not about glamour; it is about consistency. A customer must feel the same sense of reliability whether they enter a campus post office or a village branch. Uniform signage, standard furniture, clean interiors, functional toilets, drinking water and basic seating are not extravagances—they are investments in brand equity. India Post already enjoys unparalleled reach and trust. What it lacks is a uniform service experience that matches its legacy. The irony is stark. An institution that handles lakhs of crores in small savings, insurance and postal banking transactions, pleads poverty when it comes to providing chairs, toilets and decent buildings for its frontline offices. Modernisation cannot be cosmetic or selective. It must be systemic and inclusive.
The message to the Government and postal administration, therefore, must be clear and unequivocal. Stop treating “Look and Feel Good” as a pilot project or a publicity exercise. Make it a universal mission. Allocate dedicated funds for infrastructure upgradation of all Post Offices, prioritising rural and branch offices. Revise accommodation norms and allowances for BPMs. Ensure basic amenities for employees, especially women. Standardise furniture and layout across the network. Maintain rented buildings with the same seriousness as departmental ones. India Post does not need to reinvent itself; it needs to rediscover its respect—for its employees, its customers and its own history. The red pillar has stood through wars, famines, reforms and revolutions. If it is to stand tall in the digital age, it must be supported not by neon corners for a few, but by dignity for all. Only then will the next generation truly inherit the legacy of the last mile.
(The author is a Service Union Representative, currently working as the General Secretary, Confederation of Central Govt. Employees and Workers, Odisha State CoC, President, Forum of Civil Pensioners’ Association, Odisha State Committee, Bhubaneswar and a columnist. eMail: samalbruhaspati@gmail.com)
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Saturday, January 17, 2026
State-level Joint Convention of Central Trade Unions and Independent Federations held in Red Cross Bhawan auditorium, Bhubaneswar on 17th January 2026 to ensure the resounding success of the nationwide General Strike on 12 February 2026
Dear Comrades,
On behalf of the Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers, Odisha State Coordination Committee, I had the honour to address the State-level Joint Convention held on 17 January 2026 at Red Cross Bhawan, Unit-9, Bhubaneswar. The Convention was organised jointly by all Central Trade Unions (except BMS) and all Independent Federations, including BEFI, AIIEA and others, with the singular resolve to ensure the resounding success of the nationwide General Strike on 12 February 2026.
The Convention stood as a powerful expression of collective resistance against the anti-people, anti-worker and anti-national policies of the Union Government, particularly the four Black Labour Codes, the VB-GRAM-G Bill, the New Electricity Bill and the Shanti Bill, 2025 on Atomic Energy. These legislations threaten to dismantle hard-earned rights and social security of workers, employees and pensioners, pushing the working masses into insecurity and uncertainty while benefitting corporate interests.
At the outset, the Draft Resolution based on the Declaration of the National Workers’ Convention held at New Delhi on 9 January 2026 was placed before the Convention by Comrade Bishnu Mohanty, State General Secretary, CITU, on behalf of the Presidium. The Resolution was unanimously adopted, reaffirming the unbreakable unity of the working class and its organisations.
During my deliberations, I conveyed the active participation of our Confederation’s CHQ in the National Convention and assured that we shall act in accordance with the collective decisions to be taken in our forthcoming National Executive Meeting scheduled on 20 January 2026. I reaffirmed that the Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers stands firmly with the Central Trade Unions and Independent Federations and shall remain in the forefront of every united struggle against anti-labour measures.
A strong contingent of comrades, including our beloved President Comrade R. N. Dhal, Comrade J. K. Mishra (Institute of Physics), Comrade Dipti Ranjan Mohanty, Treasurer, Com. Lingaraj Sahoo, Sudhir Swain, Benupani Behera, Lingaraj Muduli and many others (from NFPE and AIPRPA) participated in the Convention on behalf of our State CoC, reflecting our collective resolve and organisational strength.
The Convention was enriched by powerful and inspiring addresses from eminent leaders such as Shri R. C. Khuntia (INTUC), Comrade Janardan Pati (CITU), Comrade Narayan Reddy (AITUC), Comrade Jaysen Meher (AIUTUC), Comrade Braja Kishore Tripathy (HMS), Comrade Mahendra Parida (AICCTU) and several others, all of whom reaffirmed their unwavering commitment to make the 12 February 2026 General Strike a historic success.
In the concluding session, Comrade Kishore Jena (INTUC) addressed the grave challenges confronting the working class and declared the Convention adjourned with heartfelt thanks to all organisations and comrades for their solidarity and tireless efforts. Comrade Bishnu Mohanty raised rousing slogans and gave the clarion call to transform the forthcoming General Strike into a decisive blow against anti-worker policies.
On behalf of the Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers, Odisha State CoC, I express my revolutionary greetings and sincere thanks to the organisers of this historic Convention. I make an earnest and militant appeal to workers, employees and pensioners across the country to join en masse in the nationwide General Strike on 12 February 2026, to mount irresistible pressure on the Government to stop the implementation of the four Black Labour Codes, restore the Old Pension Scheme and safeguard the rights, dignity and future of the working people of India.
🙏♥️💐♥️🙏
= B SAMAL =
General Secretary
Declaration of the National Convention of Workers dated 9th January 2026 held in Harkishan Surjeet Bhawan, New Delhi
Declaration
The National Convention of Workers
9th January 2026
Harkishan Surjeet Bhawan, New Delhi - 110002
We, the Joint Platform of Ten Central Trade Unions, independent Sectoral Federations and Associations are meeting today in Delhi to deliberate on the ever worsening situation in the country on all fronts. This convention is taking place in a very critical situation, when the union government, in order to contain and weaken the trade unions and place the Indian Working Class Movement disarmed in face of the onslaught of capital, have come out with the four labour codes. Indian Workers observed 5 massive general strike during the period since the labour codes were brought and passed in the Parliament with brute force.
This has come in a background of a worrisome situation of deteriorating economy, growing unemployment, increased attack on the democratic rights of people, venomous campaigns of polarisation and hatred against the minorities, attack on all democratic institutions and filling them with blind supporters of the ruling party with dubious agenda of obliterating the rights of freedom of association, expression and dissent.
The government continues its agenda of privatisation and sale of all strategic Public Sector Undertakings and Public services such as railway, port and docks, coal mines, oil, steel, defence, roadways, airports, banks, insurance, telecom, postal, Atomic energy, electricity generation and supply etc. to the big corporates of Indian and foreign origin thus endangering indigenous industrial growth and self-reliant economy. Our demands of filling sixty five lakhs vacant posts, stopping of regular workers to private companies, lifting ban on creation of new posts etc. were totally ignored. The government is continuously pursuing the policies against farmers under different guise since after the agitating farmers forced the government to withdraw three agricultural laws which were brought to corporatise the agriculture and grab land to the advantage of the chosen few corporate houses. Still now the agrarian sector continues to be in crises resulting in distress migration to cities in search of livelihood.
Extreme corruption is coming to fore at the cost of basic services to the common people. The basic services are collapsing and people are dying with contaminated drinking water.
The commercialisation of education and health are severe jolt to the people as they can not afford the cost. The prices of essential commodities are rising unabated.
With inequalities growing, a very large number of people are getting pushed to a life below poverty line.
The trade unions have been continuously on path of agitation against the anti-worker, anti-farmer and anti-national policies of the Ruling regime in Centre. But the Union government in order to contain and weaken the unions, came out with four labour codes without any legitimate exercise of consultations with stake holders or holding Indian labour conference. The unions organised 5 major strikes during the period since the labour codes were brought to the Parliament ignoring International Labour Standards to which India as a Nation state is signatory.
The last general strike by the CTUs and Federations/Associations was organised on 9th July 2025 with participation of around 25 crore people. This was a grand General Strike with solidarity support from Samyukt Kisan Morcha in mass mobilisation in rural India also. The students, youth, women, people from other social movements and also journalists supported and participated in mobilisation. The issues of that strike included those of the workers, farmers and in general of common people. 26th November 2025 was also observed as a day of mobilisation by the workers and farmers on their demands.
The Central Government instead of responding to legitimate demands of the people, has increased its assault on all sections in the advantage of its cronies in the Corporate World. Rather the government is busy giving concessions and leverage to the foreign companies to the disadvantage of small businesses and trade, MSMEs which provide major chunk of employment. After Trump’s increased Tariff announcements, the government has been surrendering India’s Interest in the foreign trade.
The Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions and Sectoral Federations / Associations had met on 22nd December 2025. The meeting expressed deep anguish over the blatant attacks of the Central Government inside and outside Parliament during this intervening period post our General Strike of 9th July 2025.
The Government came out with Draft Labour Policy-Shram Shakti Niti-2025 on October 8th and placed it in the public domain for comments. Once again without talking to Stakeholders, the policy brought to push for implementation of the four labour codes and with clear direction of decimating the role of trade unions, the work/labour termed as dharma and not a right, changing/abdicating role of the Govt. from regulator and compliance/enforcement of laws to a vague, deceptive and undefined role of so called employment facilitator and besides undermining rather negating collective bargaining, abandoning of tripartism in the world of labour with proposed national body for review, usurping the role of state governments for concentration of power in the centre and riddance of inspections and compliances etc. In defiance of fundamental Constitutional values of liberty, equality, fraternity, fundamental rights and directive principles of state policy, the draft policy claims to have drawn inspiration from the archaic Manusmriti, Yagnavalkya smriti, Narada smriti, Arthashastra, Sukraniti, ShulkyaNayaya and so on.The unions under the joint platform of CTUs and Independent Sectoral Federations and Associations outrightly rejected it. The Labour Codes have been notified on 21st November, and the Government is trying to utilise all of its institutional machinery, media, and public sector managements to build a positive consensus around these Codes. Now the government has notified Rules for these codes, put these in public domain for comments/ suggestions. But the workers are determined to fight against the unilateral imposition by the Government and get the Codes repealed. We once again demand immediate convening of Indian Labour Conference (ILC) to discuss Draft Labour Policy, repeal of four labour codes and fresh discussions of labour reforms. The notified labour codes and the draft Rules are to crush the collective bargaining to take away the right to strike, almost 70 percent factories will be out of labour law coverage, regulation and employers’ obligations to leave workers at the mercy of employers, throw out vast majority of workers from the protection of occupational safety and also from social security, would virtually demolish the existing rights and wage protections through conciliation/adjudication procedures;wage definition itself is proposed for change, trade union act is proposed to be changed to make unionisation cumbersome/impossible towards arbitrary deregistration and de- recognition, vindictive punitive actions against collective trade union activities and license to employers to violate their statutory obligations at their whims. In totality the Labour Codes are articulately designed by the Govt. to impose conditions of slavery on the workers and their trade unions, to facilitate their corporate masters to continue their loot on the workers, people and the country. In contrary to the demands of CTUs to include construction workers, beedi workers, home-based workers, domestic workers etc. into ESIC and other social security coverage, the codes are throwing out the workers from their achieved rights due to threshold raise and no legal guarantee.
The Parliamentary process has been turned into mockery; the government get the bills passed with their brute majority without necessary without necessary discussions from the opposition benches. The democracy is being stifled. Election Act,2023 is a blatant example of “legally” doing away with free and fair elections in India.
In the last parliamentarysession the Bills passed include the following.
The “Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India (SHANTI) Act”, which will allow private and foreign players to enter highly risky and hazardous nuclear power production with a motive of profit; it has withdrawn the liability of foreign and national suppliers of instruments in case of accidents/disasters – certainly, it is an attack on the nuclear security and sovereignty of our country.
The Mahatma Gandhi NREG Act has been replaced by the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025. This new Act replaces the rights-based rural employment guarantee, when the people are reeling under extreme joblessness, by discretion of the central authority and shifts the fiscal burden onto the States. It bans the operation of the Act during harvesting season.
100% FDI has been allowed in the Insurance Sector, practically giving foreign players the right to take over domestic insurance companies.
The Central Government has placed the Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, 2025, in both Houses of Parliament, though it could not be passed in this session.
The Government has floated the Draft Seed Bill and the Draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025. These Bills, if placed and passed, will create a disastrous impact on agriculture, domestic and MSME electricity consumers, and the public electricity sector of our country.
The Pension Validation Act 2025, is brought and the OPS denied. EPS 95 pensioners being kept at below poverty line level.
The Central Trade Unions took serious note of the current environmental crisis in the northern part of India, unbearable pollution in Delhi-NCR, and the dangerous Supreme Court order allowing the destruction of almost 90% of the Aravalli Hills, which have remained the protector of northern India from the expansion of the Thar Desert. The Supreme Court in the face of stiff opposition from all sections of society took suo motto the matter, taking back the earlier order and set up a committee for examination of the matter afresh.
The meeting of Central Trade Union had decided to give a strong message to the
Ruling regime in the Central Government by observing a “One Day Strike” on 12th February 2026 which we are formally ratifying today in the National Convention of Workers.
If the Government still tries to pursue the Rules under the Codes and does not repeal the Codes, the Central Trade Unions will be compelled to go for further strong actions, including a multiple-day General Strike, besides sectoral resistance actions.
The CTUs acknowledge and salute Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) for their unconditional support to the General Strike.
The National Coordination Committee of Electricity Employees and Engineers (NCCOEEE) has also announced to hold its Sectoral National Strike on the same day with full strength and conviction.
Joint meetings and conventions with electricity employees and consumers will be held in the months of January and February 2026.
The SKM has decided to observe the Resistance Day on 16th January 2026 at villages and block levels against the Seed Bill 2025, Draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025, VB-GRAMG Act, 2025, and in support of other demands. The CTUs will take part in this action with full strength.
CTUs call upon the entire working class and other sections of the toiling masses to gear up for the ensuing General Strike, start campaigning widely, and prepare their organisations for a heightened struggle.
While welcoming the protest action organised by the INDIA BLOC Parties in the premises of Parliament opposing the Labour Codes, we call upon them and various other sections of the people, especially the youth and students, to come forward in support and solidarity with this Strike to save the basic rights of the working people and protect the democratic – secular fabric of the country.
*Onward to National General Strike on 12th February 2026.
*Observe Resistance Day on 16th January at Village and Block level against the Seed Bill 2025, Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025, VB-GRAMG Act, 2025, and in support of other demands.
The joint Platform of the Central Trade Unions And Sectoral Federations/Associations.
INTUC AITUC HMS CITU
AIUTUC TUCC SEWA AICCTU LPF UTUC
Wednesday, January 14, 2026
From Law to Code
From Law to Code
-Bruhaspati Samal-
In legal discourse, the terms law and code are often loosely used, yet they embody fundamentally different ideas with far-reaching consequences for governance and social justice. This distinction becomes critically important when examining India’s recent transition from a protective, welfare-oriented labour law regime to a consolidated framework of four Labour Codes.
In its classical sense, law is a broad and evolving concept. Jurists have defined law in multiple ways, but a commonly accepted understanding is found in Salmond’s definition: law is “the body of principles recognised and applied by the State in the administration of justice.” Similarly, the Supreme Court in State of Madras v. V.G. Row (1952) observed that law is not merely a set of rules but a mechanism to balance individual liberty with social order under constitutional values. Law thus includes statutes, constitutional provisions, judicial precedents, customs, conventions and principles of natural justice.
A code, on the other hand, is a specific legislative technique. Black’s Law Dictionary defines a code as “a systematic collection, compendium, or revision of laws, rules, or regulations that relate to a particular subject.” The Supreme Court echoed this understanding in R.S. Nayak v. A.R. Antulay (1984), where it described a code as a “complete and exhaustive statement of law on a subject, intended to replace scattered enactments.” Therefore, while law is organic and multi-sourced, a code is rigidly statutory, structured and intended to standardise application.
Judicial practice illustrates this distinction clearly. In Joseph Shine v. Union of India (2018), the Supreme Court struck down Section 497 of the Indian Penal Code, holding that even a comprehensive code must yield to constitutional morality and fundamental rights. This reaffirmed that codes do not exist in isolation; they are subordinate to constitutional law and judicial interpretation. Similarly, in Bharat Bank Ltd. v. Employees (1950), the Court clarified that labour jurisprudence had evolved not merely through statutes but through judicially developed principles of social justice, underscoring the dynamic nature of law beyond codification.
This conceptual background is essential to understand the implications of India’s labour law overhaul. Historically, Indian labour laws were not merely regulatory instruments; they were expressions of constitutional commitment to social and economic justice under Articles 14, 19, 21, 23 and the Directive Principles of State Policy. Laws such as the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 and the Factories Act, 1948 emerged from decades of struggle, judicial refinement and tripartite consensus involving workers, employers and the State.
The consolidation of 29 such laws into four Labour Codes — on Wages, Industrial Relations, Social Security, and Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions — has been officially justified on grounds of simplification, ease of doing business and uniformity. However, codification in this context has not been a neutral exercise of organisation; it has significantly altered substantive rights, enforcement mechanisms and power balances, often to the detriment of workers.
The most troubling aspect of the new regime lies in its implementation philosophy. Unlike earlier labour laws that prioritised protection, the codes emphasise flexibility, employer discretion and executive rule-making. The Industrial Relations Code, for instance, raises the threshold for mandatory government approval for layoffs, retrenchment and closure from 100 to 300 workers. While presented as an administrative reform, this change effectively removes job security for a vast segment of the organised workforce. The Supreme Court in Workmen of Meenakshi Mills v. Meenakshi Mills Ltd. (1992) had earlier upheld prior restrictions precisely because sudden unemployment threatens the right to livelihood under Article 21. The new code departs from this constitutional sensitivity.
Equally problematic is the dilution of collective bargaining rights. By tightening conditions for legal strikes and increasing procedural barriers, the Industrial Relations Code weakens trade unions’ negotiating power. The Supreme Court has repeatedly recognised the right to association as integral to democratic labour relations, notably in All India Bank Employees’ Association v. National Industrial Tribunal (1962). Yet the new framework shifts the balance decisively in favour of employers, treating industrial peace as an administrative objective rather than a negotiated outcome.
The Code on Wages, while projecting universal minimum wages, leaves critical determinations to executive notifications. Without strong enforcement machinery and independent wage boards, minimum wages risk becoming not a living wage but a statutory formality. Past judicial interventions, such as in People’s Union for Democratic Rights v. Union of India (1982), treated payment below minimum wage as forced labour under Article 23. The present code, however, weakens inspection systems and replaces them with “facilitation” models, undermining deterrence against wage violations.
The Code on Social Security is often cited as progressive for extending coverage to gig and platform workers. In practice, however, it creates entitlements without enforceable guarantees. Benefits are dependent on schemes yet to be notified, budgetary discretion and employer contributions that remain undefined. The Supreme Court in LIC of India v. Consumer Education and Research Centre (1995) held that social security is an intrinsic part of the right to life. A framework that promises inclusion without legal certainty risks becoming symbolic rather than substantive.
Perhaps the most significant concern is the method of enforcement. The labour inspector, once a watchdog against exploitation, has been transformed into a “facilitator,” reducing the likelihood of surprise inspections and criminal accountability. This administrative softening contrasts sharply with judicial observations in M.C. Mehta v. State of Tamil Nadu (1996), where strict enforcement was deemed essential to prevent labour abuse. Weak enforcement, coupled with complex digital compliance systems, disadvantages unorganised and migrant workers who lack access and awareness.
Another serious issue is federal unevenness. Labour being a concurrent subject, the effectiveness of the codes depends on state-level rules. This has resulted in fragmented and delayed implementation, legal uncertainty and differential standards across states. Workers’ rights, which should be uniform and fundamental, now vary based on administrative readiness and political priorities.
Ultimately, the transformation of labour laws into labour codes reflects a deeper ideological shift. Codification has been used not merely to consolidate but to recalibrate labour relations in favour of capital mobility and investment competitiveness. While economic growth is essential, the Constitution does not permit growth at the cost of dignity, security and collective rights of workers.
Law, as the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed, is a living instrument meant to serve social justice. Codes, if detached from this purpose, risk becoming instruments of exclusion rather than protection. The true test of the new Labour Codes will not be in their textual elegance but in whether courts, governments and society can restore the constitutional spirit that once defined India’s labour law regime.
(The author is a Service Union Representative and Columnist. eMail: samalbruhaspati@gmail.com)
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Friday, January 9, 2026
FCPA / NCCPA Odisha organized district level dharna programmes in Bhubaneswar, Balasore, Cuttack etc opposing Validation of CCS (Pension) Rules, demanding modification of the ToR of 8th CPC and on other demands
Dear Comrades,
On behalf of the Odisha State Committee of the Forum of Civil Pensioners’ Association and NCCPA, and as its President, I extend my heartfelt and revolutionary thanks to all the pensioners who participated in today’s dharna-cum-demonstration at the premises of Bhubaneswar GPO/CTO. Your presence, despite the biting cold and advancing age—many of you being above 80 years—stands as a powerful testimony to your unwavering commitment to justice and dignity.
This programme was organized to oppose the validation of the CCA (Pension) Rules, which strikes at the settled and legitimate rights of pensioners, and to demand a fair modification of the Terms of Reference of the 8th Central Pay Commission, which in its present form undermines the principles of parity, social security, and honourable retirement for both employees and pensioners. These measures, if left uncorrected, will deepen economic insecurity and institutional neglect.
Your collective protest, echoed simultaneously in Cuttack, Balasore, and other parts of Odisha, has transformed this second phase of our agitational programme into a resounding message to the Central Government: pensioners are not silent spectators to injustice. I salute your courage, discipline, and unity, and assure you that this struggle will continue with renewed strength until our legitimate demands are addressed.
Revolutionary greetings to all.
= B SAMAL =
President
FCPA, Odisha State Committee
BALASORE
CUTTACK
BHUBANESWAR
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