Thursday, November 27, 2025
Monday, November 24, 2025
24th November – The Glorious Anniversary of NFPE
Celebrate the Revolutionary Legacy, Honour the Sacrifices, and March Forward With Unbreakable Resolve
Just two days before India awakened to freedom, on 13th August 1947, three historic organisations—AIPRMS Union, IPTU and ITA—united to form the Union of Posts and Telegraphs Workers (UPTW). Even before the tricolour rose high, the workers of P&T had already raised the banner of unity and class struggle. The Government, fearing the iron resolve of postal and telegraph workers, recognized UPTW without allowing the unions to merge—yet the unity of workers stood stronger than all barriers.
UPTW held its first AIC at Madras from 24–27 May 1948, and with tremendous courage, served a strike notice on 1 February 1949, demanding justice through a 28-point charter. The strike was set for 9 March 1949, supported by the Railway Unions. Alarmed by this united assertion of workers’ power, the newly formed Government unleashed unprecedented repression—leaders like O. P. Gupta, V. S. Menon, K. G. Bose and Dada Ghosh were arrested, houses were raided, union offices locked, and the rest detained, denied bail and dragged back to their home states like criminals.
Yet repression could not silence the call of justice. When the Bengal Province Union of UPTW decided to stand firm and strike, mass arrests followed. Nearly 300 P&T and Railway workers languished in jails till the end of 1949, facing dismissal, termination and charge sheets. The scars were deep, but the spirit remained unbroken.
The Government, frightened by the militant unity of workers, attempted to label UPTW as a “permanent menace” and crush the movement. Yet the workers answered with louder unity. On 29 January 1951, UPTW spearheaded the historic Anti-Black Bill Day, forcing the Government to withdraw the anti-worker Labour Relations Amendment Bill. Negotiations with Communication Minister Rafi Ahmad Kidwai in 1950 led to reinstatement of most dismissed workers, though giants like K. G. Bose, Saroj Mohan Chatterjee and Moni Bose continued to suffer victimization.
The real turning point came in the Nagpur AIC, 1953. Under the towering leadership of Dada Ghosh, unity was rebuilt brick by brick. He appealed to all unions to accept the realignment scheme, not as a compromise, but as a call for stronger, militant unity across cadres.
Thus emerged the historic Realignment Scheme, forming 9 all-India unions and, at the top, a mighty Federation. On 24 November 1954, at Vinaynagar, Delhi, the Federal Council met and gave birth to the legendary National Federation of Posts & Telegraphs Employees (NFPTE) with Dada Ghosh as the first Secretary-General. Recognition by the Government followed on 4 March 1955, but the true recognition had already been bestowed by the workers of India through sacrifice, unity and revolutionary determination.
On 20 April 1955, NFPTE displayed its power—5,000 workers marched, newspapers carried the voice of P&T employees nationwide, and the movement roared like never before. The first anniversary of NFPTE on 24 November 1955 became a celebration of a militant legacy, built on courage and collective power.
From the humble beginnings of the Postal Club, Calcutta, 1905, to its formal recognition in 1954, and its transformation into NFPE after the P&T bifurcation in 1986, this organization has stood tall through derecognition in 1960, 1968, and again now since 26 April 2023 —unshaken, undefeated, and unbent.
Because NFPE was never “recognized” by governments.
NFPE was recognized by its members—through sacrifice, blood, jail, hunger, unity, and struggle.
Recognition is not given. Recognition is earned. And NFPE earned it through 120 years of uncompromising struggle.
No Government can derecognize a movement that lives in the hearts of lakhs of postal workers.
Today, as we celebrate the 71st Anniversary of NFPTE/NFPE, let every bonafide member remember:
NFPE is not merely a federation—it is a movement.
NFPE is not a file in the Ministry—it is a fire in the hearts of workers.
NFPE cannot be derecognized—because it is immortalized by sacrifice.
Now is the time to carry this legacy forward.
Now is the time to show the same militancy that our forefathers showed in 1949, 1951, 1960 and 1968.
Now is the time to strengthen unity, organization and struggle.
Let no worker fear derecognition.
Let every worker rise with determination.
Our recognition comes from our members, not from notifications.
NFPE lives because its members live the movement.
NFPE stands because its members stand together.
NFPE marches forward because its members march as one.NFPE Zindabad.
NFPE Long Live.
Workers’ Unity Long Live.
Struggle is our heritage.
Victory is our destiny.
– Bruhaspati Samal -
Ex–All India Organizing General Secretary, CHQ, New Delhi & Ex–Circle Secretary, Odisha, NFPE (P-III)
Friday, November 21, 2025
Gazette Notification issued today (21.11.2025) for implementation of four Labour Codes
Thursday, November 20, 2025
A Revolutionary Call to All Pensioners: Unite to Safeguard Our Social Security and Future
Dear Pensioner Brothers and Sisters,
The time has come for every Central
Government pensioner, retiree, and member of the working class to rise in
united struggle. The future of our social security system is under
unprecedented threat, and only our collective strength can safeguard the dignity,
rights, and livelihood of millions of serving and retired employees across the
country.
You are aware that the Confederation
of Central Government Employees and Workers, CHQ, has already written to the
Hon’ble Prime Minister on 15.11.2025 demanding amendments to the Terms of
Reference (ToR) of the 8th Central Pay Commission. Key demands include:
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Revision and improvement of pension and pensionary benefits,
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Removal of the objectionable phrase “cost of unfunded non-contributory pension
schemes,”
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Complete restoration of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS),
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Inclusion of GDS and employees of autonomous/statutory bodies under the 8th
CPC,
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Grant of Interim Relief,
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Strengthening and expansion of health schemes.
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Approaching Trade Union International and WFTU for international workers’
solidarity,
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Campaigning across the country to expose the dangers contained in the current
ToR,
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Joint action with BPS, trade unions, and pensioners’ associations across
Central and State services,
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A nationwide letter, email, postcard, and signature movement throughout
December,
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Massive district-level demonstrations on National Pensioners Day, 17.12.2025,
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District-level dharnas on 09.01.2026,
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State-level press meets, conventions, meetings with political leadership, and state
capital dharnas throughout January and February 2026,
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Formation of a 14–member National Committee to ensure MPs raise the issue in
Parliament,
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Full participation and solidarity with any struggle announced by the JCM.
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Social security is not a budget liability — it is a moral contract between the
State and the citizen.
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The Old Pension Scheme is not a favour — it is the foundation of dignified
retired life.
If pensioners do not rise today,
history will never forgive us.
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Sign the mass signature movement with your name and PPO number.
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Send emails, postcards, and letters to the Prime Minister and central
authorities.
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Participate in the 17 December demonstrations, the 9 January dharna, and all
upcoming national and state-level programmes.
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Educate fellow pensioners, employees, and the public about the dangers of the
current ToR and the government’s attempt to weaken guaranteed pension rights.
With
struggle, victory is certain.
Long
live Unity!
Long
live Struggle!
Long
live Social Security!
General
Secretary
Confederation,
Odisha State CoC &
President,
FCPA, Odisha State Committee
Wednesday, November 19, 2025
Appeal to the Authorities of India Post
Kindly Click Here to see the complete order (28 Pages)
Dear Comrades,Tuesday, November 18, 2025
Prudence Paradox
-Bruhaspati Samal-
The Government of India, which had verbally announced the constitution of the 8th Central Pay Commission (CPC) on 16th January 2025 ahead of the Delhi elections, finally formalised it through a Press Release on 28th October 2025 with Cabinet approval, and the Gazette Notification was issued on 3rd November 2025—just a few days before the Bihar Assembly election and several by-elections across the country. The announcement came wrapped in political timing, but its true implications lie buried within the Terms of Reference (ToR). Unlike its predecessors, the 8th CPC’s ToR place fiscal restraint at the heart of its mandate, revealing an agenda that seems to prioritise the government’s treasury over the welfare of its own employees and pensioners.
The 6th CPC, constituted in October 2006, carried no clause instructing the Commission to judge pay or pensions by the country’s economic conditions or fiscal prudence. Its purpose was straightforward—to review pay structures in light of changing cost of living and social expectations. The 7th CPC, notified on 28th October 2014, went further by including a progressive clause to “examine best global practices and their adaptability and relevance in Indian conditions.” This reflected an aspiration to align public service standards with international benchmarks. But the 8th CPC, notified on 3rd November 2025, replaced this forward-looking clause with two limiting ones: the need to consider “the economic conditions in the country and the need for fiscal prudence” and “the unfunded cost of non-contributory pension schemes.” The shift is clear—from global benchmarking to domestic belt-tightening.
This difference is not mere bureaucratic drafting—it is a philosophical departure. Earlier Commissions were guided by the principle of fairness, acknowledging that a well-paid, secure workforce forms the backbone of governance. The new ToR, however, subtly redefine the Commission’s purpose—to restrain rather than to reward, to calculate rather than to care. It transforms a welfare-oriented framework into a fiscal balancing act. By repeatedly invoking “economic conditions” and “prudence,” the government has effectively placed invisible handcuffs on the Commission’s independence.
Yet this invocation of prudence comes with striking irony. India today boasts record tax revenues, a steady decline in fiscal deficit, robust foreign exchange reserves, and ambitious infrastructure spending. The nation dreams of becoming a $5 trillion economy by 2028. If fiscal optimism can justify tax incentives to industries, loan write-offs to corporates, and large-scale capital outlays, why should “prudence” suddenly surface as a restraint when it concerns the very employees and pensioners who sustain the system? The paradox lies here—prudence becomes flexible for corporates but rigid for public servants.
The Finance Act 2025 intensifies this paradox. While the government presents it as an instrument of economic rationalisation, the Act quietly embeds provisions that discriminate between classes of pensioners based on their date of retirement. Those who retired before the implementation of the 8th CPC may be denied proportional revision, creating unequal classes among equals. This is not merely unfair; it violates the Supreme Court’s historic judgment in D.S. Nakara vs Union of India (17 December 1982), which declared pension to be a deferred wage and an inseparable right earned through long service. The Court had firmly ruled that all pensioners form a single class and cannot be discriminated against by arbitrary cut-off dates. Yet, through the Finance Act’s structure and the ToR’s fiscal pretext, the government appears to be sidestepping this constitutional guarantee.
The repeated reference in the ToR to “the unfunded cost of non-contributory pension schemes” clearly targets the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), which was discontinued for new recruits in January 2004 and substituted by the market-linked National Pension System (NPS). In April 2025, this system was renamed and extended as the Unified Pension Scheme (UPS), continuing the same contributory model. While OPS offered security through defined benefits, NPS and UPS expose employees to market fluctuations. By treating OPS as a fiscal burden, the government undermines its role as a social security guarantee for those who have devoted 35 to 40 years in public service. Pension, in a welfare democracy, is not charity—it is a moral and constitutional obligation.
India’s stance becomes more indefensible when viewed globally. The Mercer–CFA Institute Global Pension Index 2025 paints a grim picture—India scored just 43.8 out of 100, ranking among the lowest of 47 countries surveyed. In contrast, the Netherlands scored 84.8, Denmark 81.6, and Israel 78.3. These nations allocate between 7% and 11% of their GDP to pensions, ensuring adequacy and dignity for retirees. India, by comparison, spends less than 2% of GDP on pensions. The Index noted that India’s system suffers from low adequacy, poor sustainability, and weak integrity—three pillars of retirement security. Even smaller economies like Chile and Malaysia outperform India in providing dependable post-retirement income. The country that celebrates its growth story thus stands exposed for failing its own elders.
The government’s fiscal priorities underline this paradox even further. As per official data, corporate tax exemptions in 2023–24 alone amounted to over Rs. 1.37 lakh crore. Scheduled commercial banks wrote off Rs. 15.3 lakh crore of loans between 2014 and 2024. Subsidies and freebies like the free foodgrain scheme for 80 crore citizens cost nearly Rs. 2 lakh crore annually. In comparison, the projected additional cost of implementing the 8th CPC, including pay and pension revision, is around Rs. 1.2 lakh crore—barely 0.3% of GDP. The arithmetic of compassion thus appears distorted: billions can be spared for political populism or corporate comfort, but not for those who kept the nation’s wheels turning.
The moral question is unavoidable. Government employees are not liabilities—they are the nation’s administrators, teachers, postal workers, railwaymen, nurses, and clerks. Their collective labour has built modern India, often through decades of service in remote and harsh conditions. To call their pension “unfunded” is to deny the very premise of social justice that the Constitution enshrines. Article 41 of the Directive Principles mandates the state to provide public assistance in cases of old age and disablement. The D.S. Nakara judgment interpreted pension as a facet of that very constitutional promise. To undermine it under the excuse of prudence is to transform fiscal logic into social cruelty.
The government would therefore do well to heed the recommendations of the Staff Side of the National Council (JCM). The Council has suggested concrete measures: bringing Gramin Dak Sewaks under the purview of the CPC, redefining a family as five consumption units (instead of three) while calculating minimum wage under Dr. Akroyd’s formula, settling 7th CPC anomalies, ensuring five promotions during a career, merging unutilised pay scales, restoring the commutation period of pension from 15 to 12 years, revising pensions every five years as recommended by the Parliamentary Standing Committee, extending cashless treatment under CGHS to all employees and pensioners, deleting discriminatory provisions of the Finance Act 2025, granting interim relief, and revising the Dearness Allowance formula. These are not extravagant demands—they are fair corrections to systemic neglect.
At its core, the 8th CPC’s ToR represents a test of governance. Will the government treat its employees and pensioners as expendable costs or as the moral capital of the Republic? True fiscal prudence lies not in suppressing legitimate dues but in aligning budgets with social justice. Prudence that serves only power and profit is not prudence—it is paradox.
India cannot afford to repeat the error of viewing public servants as liabilities. They are the silent backbone of the state, the bridge between policy and people. Their pension is not an expense but a measure of civilisation. A nation that dreams of global greatness must first protect those who built its foundation. The Government must remember: economic growth without social gratitude is hollow. Prudence, if it means denying justice to employees and pensioners, ceases to be a virtue—it becomes betrayal. The 8th Central Pay Commission must, therefore, rise above the paradox of prudence and restore faith in the welfare promise of the Indian State. Only then will growth truly have meaning, and governance regain its moral soul.
*****
(The author is the General Secretary, Confederation of Central Govt. Employees and Workers as well as the President of Forum of Civil Pensioners’ Association, Odisha State Committee, Bhubaneswar and a columnist.)
Action Plan of Forum of Civil Pensioners' Association
The Forum of Civil Pensioners Associations had the ONLINE Meeting on 13.11.2025. As decided in that meeting a ‘Committee’ was constituted to finalize the action plan of FCPA. The Committee had two sittings and finalized the document unanimously. The following is the document and the same is placed here for the rank and file to observe the ‘Action Plan’.
- KR SG NCCPA -
1. Insist on formation of FCPA at all States and Districts within one month by respective Associations to their Units and feed them the importance of Unity. Educate them that the struggle will be long drawn. FCPA will write to all Affiliations.
We will educate that the struggle will be long drawn and not short one and prepare the rank and file. FCPA CHQ will write to all Associations in this regard.
2. The Trade Union International (Pensioners and Retirees) and the WFTU will be written by Comrade K.G.Jayaraj Vice Secretary Organization TUI(P&R) about the condition and our Programmes – They can issue appropriate solidarity to Indian Employees and Pensioners.
3. FCPA will write to JCM Staff Side Secretary and copy to all members of Staff Side that dangers are more for the employees and Pensioners by the TOR. Suggest leading measurers to declare appropriate action on the countrywide to change the TOR and the scrap the Validation clause to Employees and Pensioners. The demands of inclusion in the TOR about Pension revision for existing Pensioners and Family Pensioners; Scrap Validation of pension rules which denies pension revision and arrears; deletion of inappropriate reference to "Unfunded Cost of Non-contributory Pension Schemes; 30% interim relief; Merger of 50% DA/DR from 1.1.2024; Date of Effect of 8th CPC as 1.1.2026 and payment of entire arrears; NPS and UPS to be scrapped and OPS should be restored; the release of 18 months DA arrears; the Commutation restoration and the Additional Pension from the age of 65 etc., if JCM Staff Side feels appropriate. In that letter we suggest mobilization of Employees and Pensioners in any manner including Convention and Strike to change the TOR if the letter to Honourable Prime Minister by the Staff Side has no effect.
4. FCPA will write to BPS to enlarge the united action by the Pensioners. We will also approach State Government and other Pensioners Associations.
5.FCPA will write to Central Trade Unions and Political Parties – explain the designs of government on Validation clause and TOR and request them of their support.
6. FCPA and All Associations can write to PM / FM/ Cabinet Secretary and JCM Staff Side Secretary on amendments to TOR and drop the validation clause – 20th to 23th November.
7. All Pensioners have to be approached to explain the dangers of Validation and the retrograde TOR – and ask them either sign in mass Signature campaign with their Name, PPO Number and signature –email campaign - Postcard campaign Letter campaign (Whichever is possible) to communicate our dissatisfaction on TOR - throughout December. [In Kerala alone from 15.12.2025 to 7.1.2026] – Signatures from districts can be collected at Delhi by Comrade Jogi and emails copy forwarded to their CHQs and FCPA CHQ. The number of Postcards and letters sent to be intimated to the respective CHQs and the CHQs in turn intimate to FCPA CHQ. Comrade Jogi’s Postal address in Delhi will communicated to all Associations shortly.
8. Members Demonstration on 17.12.2025 at all Districts on the National Pensioners Day. On 15.12.2025 the FCPA will organize National Pensioners Day ONLINE and the topic will be educative and all Associations are invited to participate.
9. Members are mobilized on 9.1.2026 on District level dharna in all districts by the members of Associations.
10. A Committee of 14 Comrades comprising of S.G.Mishra, Prahalad Rai ,G.L. Jogi and I.S.Dabas (Delhi) - VAN Namboodiri (Kerala) & K.G.Jayaraj (Kerala) - D.Balasubramanian (TN) – K.S.C.Bose (Andhra) – Radhakrishna (Karnataka) - V.Krishnamohan (Telangana) – A.K.Ghosh (West Bengal) – D.K.Debnath (Assam) – – Virendra Tiwary (U.P) – S.C.Pandey (U.P) to be members of this Committee to form the team of MPs to raise a motion in Lok Sabha.
11. State FCPAs should organize Press Meets, issue Press Statements to campaign our Programmes and Demands in the month of January 2026. Every State should take necessary interest in organizing the Press Meet.
12. Regional level Conventions within States between 20.01.2026 to 30.01.2026 in all states. Each Association will give two or three names (President and General Secretary preferably) and attend many Conventions earmarked by CHQ of FCPA. State leaders of FCPA will be there in addition. They will invite all Central Trade Unions and all willing Unions of Central / State Govt / Public Sector to these conventions. The venues can be decided by the respective State level FCPAs.
13.State level meetings in the month of February (1-5 February) where the Political Parties will be invited and our Pensioners Leaders will explain to the leaders of Political Parties and seek their support and solidarity.
14. On13.02.2026, State level Dharna at all State Capitals to be organized. Central TUs and other leaders to be invited.
15. State level conventions in the month of February (20-28 February) where the leaders of Central TUs and Political Party leaders –will be invited as speakers. The speakers on behalf of FCPA will be allotted by the CHQ of FCPA.
16. If JCM Staff Side is organizing any struggle, we from FCPA will fully fall in line and participate.
17. The FCPA will meet in March 1st Week to plan our further actions.


































